Top University in Iran Bombed
Early this morning, Sharif University of Technology, Iran’s leading technical university, was bombed.
As of the writing of this post, it was unclear whether the bombing was carried out by the United States or Israel or both. Neither has claimed responsibility for the attack on the university, according to The New York Times.
It is not the first Iranian university to have been bombed in the recent attacks by the US and Israel. “At least 30 universities have been hit,” according to Iran’s Ministry of Science and Technology, reports Al Jazeera.
Referred to by some as “Iran’s MIT”, Sharif University is the alma mater of many distinguished alumni, including Maryam Mirzakhani, the first woman ever to win the Fields Medal (akin to the Noble Prize) in mathematics.
Atoosa Kasirzadeh, a philosopher at Carnegie Mellon University, writes: “What makes this scene especially poignant is that Sharif was not only a center of technical education. It also housed a Department of Philosophy of Science, an extraordinary effort to [build a] bridge between philosophy, science, and technology.”
She shared the following photos:

A sign for the Department of Philosophy of Science at the Sharif University of Technology, bombed this morning (via Atoosa Kasirzadeh).

A philosophy of science notebook among the rubble of Sharif University of Technology, bombed this morning (via Atoosa Kasirzadeh).

Destruction caused by the bombing of Sharif University of Technology earlier today (photo via Atoosa Kasirzadeh)
The Times says:
Intentional attacks on educational institutions could be a war crime under international law. According to state media reports, the school’s information technology center and mosque were targeted…
Israeli officials have often argued that the civilian sites they have attacked, such as pharmaceutical or petrochemical facilities, are dual-use, meaning they are also used by security forces for economic gain or developing materials that can be used militarily.
Some student groups active in antigovernment protests this year have suggested that certain Iranian campuses had dual-use research facilities. The Amirkabir student newsletter on Monday said parts of the Sharif University campus that were attacked were used for drone research.
Experts say international law stipulates that strikes on dual-use sites are prohibited if they are “expected to cause” damage to civilian life or property that exceed anticipated military gains. The military must also work to minimize damage and harm to civilians if such an attack is launched.
It is being reported that 34 people were killed during bombings on various locations in Iran today; it is unclear how many of them were killed specifically in the attack on the university.
To all members of the Daily Nous Community,
I am Theodor Fuchs, a MA Student of Philosophy in the University of Haifa, Israel, and a Biomedical Engineer Graduated at Israel’s MIT: the Technion. Both universities are situated in the city of Haifa, where, just yesterday, a family of four was killed from a deliberately-fired ballistic middle from Iran towards a urban-site, high-density population area.
More related to the post, two weeks ago both my universities were hit by a missile barrage sent from Iran.
I have seen no post on your part.
While is important to recognize the consequences and the affliction caused by every war, when it comes to mentioning damages suffered by civilians and especially educators, it becomes as important to stand-up impartially when lamenting occurrences. At least if this is to be a post from a non-political, pro-philosophical organization.
Here is an emotional post from a professor of mine, who was one of the first ones to encourage a work where I bridged my philosophical and engineering education, whose laboratory was recently hit.
Have you forgotten to mention that Israel started this and the previous wars of aggression on Iran? That thousands of Iranian civilians have been killed so far by Israel? That Iran’s bombing of the Israeli university – condemnable as it may be – was a retaliation to the Israeli attacks?
Shame on you!
Oh, so now civilian targets are legitimate targets, as long as the bombing side is not the one who started it?
Shame on you!
It seems rich to start a war and then complain your losses aren’t getting more attention on a philosophy blog than the losses of the nation you attacked.
Can’t we all just agree that the strike on the Iranian University and the strike Fuchs mentions is terrible? (Remember: Fuchs isn’t the Israeli Gov, nor are the Iranian students/faculty the Iranian Gov.)
The US started a war with Iran. That doesn’t make it OK or Iran to set off a bomb at my university.
I wonder if you had the same attitude when Gaza started a war with Israel in 2023.
Israel has killed more than a hundred Palestinian in 2023 before October and was laying siege to Gaza, demolishing houses and ethnically cleansing parts of the west bank. The war was already on course.
Yeah, that Israel! Sheesh, it just sent the army in to kill Palestinians, out of the blue.
It’s not as though there was, say, some provoking incident like, for instance, an enormous and brutal mass murder, involving torture, rape, and dismemberment, attacking family homes and a music festival in Israel, massacring civilians of all ages, etc., while the attackers boasted about it and livestreamed videos of their atrocities.
And it’s not as though some of the victims were taken away and held as hostages to be rescued, was it?
And it’s not as though Hamas had made a huge network of tunnels in which they could hide from the Israeli incursions they deliberately provoked, but which they did not allow any Palestinian civilians to enter, since to them the deaths of their own people are a benefit if they can use it to whip up worldwide sentiment against Israel.
And it’s not as though they took the further step of violating international law countless times by using civilian infrastructure, including private homes, schools, and hospitals, as combat bases and weapons storage, which makes it practically impossible for the country where one has just perpetrated the largest pogrom since the Holocaust to respond without killing some civilians that Hamas deliberately put and kept in harm’s way.
Oh, right, all those things *did* happen! But, idiotically, many of us forgot all about those basic facts or failed to learn them at all before mouthing off.
One sad consequence of tribalism is that it negatively affects reading comprehension skills.
Ps. The number killed in the West Bank in 2023 prior to October was 203
Justin, this is incredible. During the early days, you could pretend you had simply not seen the genocide in Gaza or it didn’t mount to one, mention proportional response, etc. It’s become clear since all the time you spent here justifying Israel’s actions that entire communities in Gaza simply no longer exist, the tiny strip of land has become a tent-city, and 100,000 people have possibly been killed. You don’t get to then bring up Oct 7 and (discredited) claims of rape or dismemberment or torture.
Wait, wait, wait… so many false assumptions here, confidently expressed..
But this one jumps out ahead of the rest: You’re saying that the claims of rape, dismemberment, and torture by the Hamas terrorists in the October 7th attacks have been *discredited*??????
As in, you don’t think that those crimes took place at all?????
The perpetrators themselves livestreamed them. There is ample footage showing them. There are all sorts of witnesses and so much material evidence.
And yet, you are here claiming that that never happened???
And yet, five readers here apparently thought that your comment was worth ‘liking’???
This is a new low.
This is an argument for terrorism, Justin. Any side can use it to justify any atrocity. Even the attacks that you discuss in the first part of your post can be justified on these grounds: “It was practically impossible to respond without killing some civilians; the State of Israel put and kept them in harm’s way.” It is grotesque self-exonerating nonsense, and you know it.
This is an argument that could be made for (and against) any side. It could even be said of your comment; that you regard the suffering and death caused by the attacks you reference as “a benefit” that you can “use to whip up worldwide sentiment” against Palestinians. It’s absurd.
I genuinely cannot fathom how you are not embarrassed to post such philosophically empty arguments on a philosophy blog under your real name.
Aside from the issues with your framing, which are touched on above, the substantive point you are making here is that things happened. Yes, they did. They happened before the attacks you referenced, and they happened after them. And they continue to happen. The difference is that you do not care for their happening to Palestinians or, worse, you see it happening to them as justified.
I don’t think you are writing in good faith here. Even if we call it a war, say that atrocities were committed by the State of Israel, say that its actions amount to collective punishment and the immiseration of entire communities, say that the systems of oppression that state has set in place need to be dismantled, you would still take issue with what’s being said—the absence of the word “genocide” in that description would not assuage you. Because you are not here to reason about it, and cannot be reasoned with regarding it.
This is an argument for terrorism, Justin. Any side can use it to justify any atrocity. Even the attacks that you discuss in the first part of your post can be justified on these grounds: “It was practically impossible to respond without killing some civilians; the State of Israel put and kept them in harm’s way.” It is grotesque self-exonerating nonsense, and you know it.
This is an argument that could be made for (and against) any side. It could even be said of your comment; that you regard the suffering and death caused by the attacks you reference as “a benefit” that you can “use to whip up worldwide sentiment” against Palestinians. It’s absurd.
I genuinely cannot fathom how you are not embarrassed to post such philosophically empty arguments on a philosophy blog under your real name.
Aside from the issues with your framing, which are touched on above, the substantive point you are making here is that things happened. Yes, they did. They happened before the attacks you referenced, and they happened after them. And they continue to happen. The difference is that you do not care for their happening to Palestinians or, worse, you see it happening to them as justified.
I don’t think you are writing in good faith here. Even if we call it a war, say that atrocities were committed by the State of Israel, say that its actions amount to collective punishment and the immiseration of entire communities, say that the systems of oppression that state has set in place need to be dismantled, you would still take issue with what’s being said—the absence of the word “genocide” in that description would not assuage you. Because you are not here to reason about it, and cannot be reasoned with regarding it.
Oh, for goodness’s sake, ‘Felix’…
“This is an argument for terrorism, Justin. Any side can use it to justify any atrocity. Even the attacks that you discuss in the first part of your post can be justified on these grounds: “It was practically impossible to respond without killing some civilians; the State of Israel put and kept them in harm’s way.” It is grotesque self-exonerating nonsense, and you know it.”
You go on and on with your psychic act here:
– “…and you know it,”
– “…you do not care for their happening to Palestinians or, worse, you see it happening to them as justified,”
– “you are not here to reason about it…”
– etc.
Like all psychics, your accuracy rate here is dismal. But you give no sign of noticing or caring, no matter how many times I point this out.
I am happy to engage with people who hold themselves to serious standards of discourse here. But I have found repeatedly that responding to you is a bottomless pit. Whatever efforts I put in are rewarded with more of the same.
I will make the same request as before. First, I’m here under my own name, even though I’m maintaining what is by far the minority position, and even though it is costly for me to do so. You are here maintaining by far the more popular position, but you are hiding behind your usual handle. The result is that you are staking nothing by these constant violations of the norms of discourse, or by the careless way you throw out these accusations against people who, like me, are here honestly under our own names.
So: I request that you at least take the accountability of posting as yourself, as I am, or that Justin W. blocks you from your highly speculative (and highly erroneous) attacks against the motivations of named people here. He should compel you to write under your own name, or forbid you to do this.
If neither of those requests is granted by either of you, it is reasonable for me to ignore anything else you way. Life is too short, especially when there are others here who are saying things worth responding to.
I don’t understand the reasoning here–Yazan said “before October” in 2023. And this comment seems to be referring to October 7th, right? If so, how is it addressing Yazan’s claim? Or am I missing something?
Israel’s been genociding Palestinians for decades. They started that one, too.
Of course it’s crime for Iran to target civilian infrastructure like universities. While the destruction is much greater in Iran, that’s only because Israel and the US have much greater military capability.
We should condemn all three nations. And recall a time when many of us thought that there was a moral difference between rogue states like Iran, on the one hand, and Israel and the US, on the other.
You thought incorrectly then, Neil. Don’t forget the Vietnam War, the various massacres there (My Lai being the most famous), the various coups against democratically elected governments in Latin America (and Iran in ’53), the enabling of the total impunity that Israel enjoys today (which in turn enables Israel to perpetrate its own war crimes), the illegal Iraq war, etc etc. How much evidence did you need to change your mind? Too much it seems.
what makes Iran rogue compared to Israel or the US?
There was a time when the US and Israel weren’t rogue states? Care to enlighten us when this magical moment in time was?
There was a time when the US was the most popular kid in the kindergarten and was only perceived badly by a few isolated kids that it bullied. Now the US is becoming less popular (less smart&pretty) and starts to throw tantrums on more kids. We call it “turning rogue”.
I can’t read any more of this both sides-ism without pointing to something that should be blindingly obvious: probably around 80% of this site’s readers are American. That means that their tax dollars paid for the demolition of the Iranian university, and it also means that awareness of this on their part could actually lead to regime change in the US. None of this is true of Iranian attacks.
This blog is not some kind of neutral moral accounting ledger. It is written by a person with a perspective and a particular involvement with a particular government and its actions. It is not responsible for dispassionately reporting all moral crimes equally.
His manifestation was clearly not related to whether there is an agreement or disagreement on the usage of taxpayer dollars for the purposes of war – with the collateral effect of destroying educational institutions. It was about lamenting the destruction of a leading educational institution. The same reaction, which should be expected, was not found when another leading educational was hit. That is all. Knibbe’s comment is the most sensitive.
This blog, insofar as it is a platform for educators in general and academic philosophy in particular – and not political activism-, actually is expected to have some kind of neutral moral accountancy.
If you wish to enter the merits of whether taxpayer dollars are better utilized in defeating shiite lunatics and financing joint US-Israel grants in universities targeted by the Iranian regime itself; then I suggest going to a CNN manchete comment section.
Nothing less is to be expected by a population that is overwhelming in support of not just the illegal war that is being waged vs Iran now (80% support among Israeli Jews), but the genocide the Israeli state perpetrated and continues to perpetrate against the Palestinian people (65% support among Israeli Jews).
“The genocide the Israeli state perpetrated…”
Ah, right, the ‘genocide’ that Israel has been carrying out for so long as the Palestinian population in the area… has steadily increased!
But it’s useful to try to change the meanings of important words to confuse issues. A genocide, of course, actually refers to the willful killing of a race or other ethnic group. The term was coined to refer to what the Nazis *clearly attempted*, and got a great distance toward accomplishing, against the Jews, killing millions of the small worldwide population in the Holocaust. But while the Nazis aimed at genocide, even they did not accomplish it.
Meanwhile, somehow, the Hamas October 7th attack against Israeli civilians is supposed to not be counted as part of an attempted genocide (even though Hamas’s founding charter specificially lists the extermination of the world’s Jews as a goal), but Israel’s response to the massacre is.
It’s bad enough that some people keep saying these absurd things. It’s another thing entirely for this to be the default narrative!
Sincere, not pot-stirring, question: How would you characterize Israeli goals in Gaza if not in terms of the displacement of the Arab population?
The argument I usually see in such conversations is that (A) The Israeli government (with the apparent support of a majority of its population) wishes to depopulate the territory of Arabs and resettle it with Israeli Jews, and (B) they have used the indefensible atrocities of Oct 7 as a justification for these aims, but (C) forcible removal of populations (AKA ethnic cleansing) is never morally justified, under any circumstances, and Israel’s actions are therefore immoral. The fact that the IDF’s military campaign in Gaza has employed tactics such as indiscriminate carpet bombings, food/water blockades, etc. only compounds the effect.
Again, I’m not trying to provoke or even contradict you, but I would genuinely like to hear where you find fault in this line of reasoning. Perhaps we can say that ethnic cleansing does not necessarily amount to genocide, although that seems highly debatable, but at any rate it seems we still have a duty to condemn and oppose the former alongside the latter, right?
Note also that I have neither said nor implied that either Oct 7 or any IRGC action is/was defensible to any extent.
Hi, Bilingual. Taking you at your word that you are asking this question sincerely. Assuming that you are, and assuming that what you presented here as your best understanding of a charitable view of what Israel is attempting, given what you have heard, it’s all the more important to try to articulate these things!
So: how do I “characterize Israel’s goals in Gaza, if not in terms of the displacement of the Arab population”?
I characterize Israel’s goals in that conflict, while Israel was fighting it, as an attempt to fight back against the regime that not only engineered a large-scale, brutal massacre against Israeli civilians (and indeed against many non-Israeli civilians that just happened to be there at the time, some to attend the Nova music festival) — and that also openly vowed to repeat that massacre over and over and over again, with the aim of the destruction of Israel and the Jewish people. And also to either rescue the hostages Hamas had captured or else to bring Hamas to the point where it would negotiate on more favorable terms for the return of those hostages.
I do not think that the displacement of the Palestinian people in Gaza was any aim at all of the Israeli fighting.
In fact, though this is somehow not widely discussed, Israel voluntarily left Gaza in 2005! Up to that time, Gaza was under Israeli occupation. But as a part of negotiations that were not reciprocated, Israel forcibly removed its own settlements from Gaza and ceded that territory to the Palestinians who lived there. There was some hope that this would lead to state-building along lines that could entail eventual peace with Israel. but Hamas is not dedicated to the improvement of the lives of Palestinians: it is dedicated to the permanent eradication of Israel. Hence, the October 7th massacre was not all that surprising as an outcome, depressing though that is.
If Israel’s goal had been to displace the Palestinians from Gaza, why would Israel have ceded that territory to them and pulled out all the settlements, against the protests of the settlers there?
What makes far more sense is that, as in fact happened, Israel needed to fight against an enemy that (as Hamas always does) hides itself among the civilian population in Gaza. Gazans who will not comply with this (by allowing Hamas to use their homes, etc. for warfare, putting the civilians at risk) do so at their own risk from Hamas.
This forced a choice on the IDF: either carpet-bomb the area to keep the IDF soldiers safe (which Israel did not do), or inanely do nothing as Hamas fulfills its threat to repeat the October 7th massacres again and again, while letting the hostages rot away, or else send in ground troops. And the IDF chose the third option.
Since Hamas insists on violating international law by fighting in heavily populated urban areas and using civilian homes, schools, hospitals, etc. in warfare, the only way Israel could avoid terrible civilian casualties was to announce to the local population where the fighting was going to take place, and where they could flee to.
Of course, this greatly impedes the military aims of the IDF, since it also telegraphs to Hamas where the IDF are moving next, which meant that the Hamas leadership that the IDF targeted could also get out of the way in time. But Israel chose to do that anyway, to reduce civilian casualties in the urban environment Hamas chooses to work in.
And yet, precisely because of this, deeply cynical people are able to portray this to you as ‘the forcible removal of populations’. One can’t win against unprincipled propagandists, like the Hamas-controlled sources whose reports on the war were trusted by so much of the western media.
So: no, Israel did not carpet-bomb Gaza (even though Israel easily had the power to carpet-bomb all of Gaza and destroy all the infrastructure and kill the inhabitants); no, the inhabitants that were moved were not pushed out of Gaza (where were they pushed to, exactly?); no, Israel not only has not created any settlements in the area, or moved any Israeli settlers into the area, but in fact had already moved all the settlements *out* of Gaza twenty years ago; and no, Israel did not attempt to starve the people of Gaza through food and water blockades. In fact, Israel repeatedly sent people in to deliver food and water in Gaza (which is pretty strange on the ‘attempted genocide’ account), even though Hamas exploited that to have its own fighters attack the aid-deliverers after getting close on the pretext that they were in fact Gazans seeking aid, etc.
One last thing: many people seem to be under the impression that the roads in and out of Gaza are entirely controlled by Israel, or even that Gaza is somehow encircled by Israel. But this is not true: Egypt has a 12-kilometer border with Gaza. Hamas and other terrorist groups in Gaza are so radical that Egypt built a security wall to keep its country and soldiers safe, some years after Israel had dismantled its settlements and yielded Gaza to the Palestinians. Egypt controls a border crossing with Gaza and could easily have supplemented the civilian aid provided by Israel and others to whatever extent it chose to. Is Egypt therefore also guilty of immoral treatment of the Palestinians, on your view?
I, too, am asking sincerely!
Thank you for taking the time to explain this. You present a lot of information here that I do not have the expertise to confidently speak to one way or another, but which seem like important points if true. One follow up question I would ask: You reject outright the claim that the Netanyahu government is engaging in ethnic cleansing, or that their ambition is to resettle the strip. I don’t feel qualified to take a stand on the factual details here, but can we at least agree that, conditionally, IF Israel (or any nation, for that matter) were to carry out such a campaign, THEN it would be abhorrent? And if we agree on this in principle, must we not then condemn those elements of Israeli society which promote Israel’s expansion beyond its existing borders? I’m speaking here of ultranationalist Zionism, the Greater Israel Movement, settlements in Golan, the West Bank, etc. These are well-documented forces both among the Israeli population, and certain members of the Netanyahu cabinet, and they strike me as very troubling.
As for the Egypt question: To the extent that the country’s activity on its end Gaza has contributed to human suffering in the territory, yes, I would absolutely stamp them as culpable, too.
Once again, I am approaching this as a good-faith inquirer trying to navigate a complex and (justifiably) morally-charged issue.
My pleasure, Bilingual — and thank you in turn for what I take to be genuine curiosity and a spirit of fair inquiry on your part, whatever you happen to believe now or at the end of your inquiries.
More specifically:
1. “One follow up question I would ask: You reject outright the claim that the Netanyahu government is engaging in ethnic cleansing, or that their ambition is to resettle the strip. I don’t feel qualified to take a stand on the factual details here, but can we at least agree that, conditionally, IF Israel (or any nation, for that matter) were to carry out such a campaign, THEN it would be abhorrent?”
This is a great question. I had an instinctive answer to it, which is yes, it would be abhorrent, but on second thought I think we need more details.
Let me try to explain my reasons for hesitating.
First, I want to stress that I think the best possible result would be an outcome in which the Arab (and almost entirely Muslim) neighbors of Israel, including the Gazans, live in their own states side-by-side with Israel in mutual peace. And of course, the Arab Muslims who have chosen instead to be Israeli citizens — it may surprise you to hear that about 20% of Israeli citizens are Arab Muslims, and that they have full rights of citizenship, hold prominent positions in the country, and serve in the IDF like their Jewish and other fellow citizens — continue to live in peace within Israel, as they have generally done so far.
Second: however, I do think that in certain very limited circumstances (though in my opinion not now) it is justifiable to transfer populations from one place to another. For instance, I do not think that it was abhorrent for Israel to remove Israeli settlements from Gaza in order to turn the land over to the Arab Muslims in 2005, though this meant removing all the Jewish residents and their homes from there, often under strong protest from the residents. Other plausible examples that come to mind include the forced shifting of populations in India and Pakistan during the formation of those countries, and all sorts of shifts around the world in the wake of World War II. Many of these transfers involved the forced removal of people who had, personally, done nothing to ‘deserve’ that, even if overall the result leads to greater peace or stability. So I suppose I would say that, ceteris paribus, it is wrong to transfer populations from a geographic area, and in those rare occasions when it does become necessary, the badness of doing that is only justified in light of an even worse badness that plausibly seems to result from leaving people where they are.
Third: there is no way that a nation should be required to endure not only constant bombardments by missiles, and terrorist attacks, but also major pogroms of the sort perpetrated on October 7th, 2023, and explicitly promised in perpetuity by Hamas. This may be hard to grapple with in a big country like the USA, but Israel is very small — about the size of New Jersey in area and population — and so everyone there lives fairly close to the border. If a neighbor of a country is determined to attack again and again, slaughtering civilians, and is openly sworn to annihilate that nation and its citizens, then it does not seem in principle unreasonable to me that at some point, after enough alternative approaches are tried, some sort of buffer zone is enforced, even if that does involve population transfer.
Still, I think that should be seen as something like a last resort, and that the attacked country should first try all reasonable (and maybe even somewhat unreasonable) efforts to reach a peaceful resolution. Since before Israel became a nation, there have been violent attempts by its neighbors and by some radicalized Arabs to prevent the existence of any Jewish homeland in the area, under any circumstances and with whatever concessions in mind. The full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 is part of a long line of offers and concessions Israel has made in the hope that, somehow, it can make peace with its neighbors and that everyone can move on. Unfortunately, through the UNRWA schools, the children of Gaza, etc. continue to be radicalized to see their main aim in life as the destruction of Israel, and to value this negative aim as more important than any positive life they could live side-by-side with Israel. Does the intense indoctrination work on all the children? No, there are always some who nonetheless grow up to desire peace and prosperity, sooner or later. But there are enough who are devoted to the ultimate goal of Israel’s destruction to make the prospects of peace difficult to be optimistic about. This is not just a pro-Israel view, by the way: the children who go through the UNRWA schools are so radicalized that most of the neighboring Muslim countries are leery of welcoming them in, and there are of course reasons why Egypt insisted on building a massive security wall against Gaza. Besides, Hamas really doesn’t care about the Palestinian civilians or their welfare or future: it, too, is entirely devoted to Israel’s destruction. With Hamas or other Iran-supported terrorist groups in strength in the region, even a less radicalized Palestinian citizenry may not be sufficient to solve the problem.
All this makes the prospect of peaceful coexistence with Gaza quite gloomy. But, given the cost to Palestinian civilians of a population transfer, etc., I think it is reasonable for Israel to continue to try to find a path to peaceful coexistence.
2. “must we not then condemn those elements of Israeli society which promote Israel’s expansion beyond its existing borders? I’m speaking here of ultranationalist Zionism, the Greater Israel Movement, settlements in Golan, the West Bank, etc. These are well-documented forces both among the Israeli population, and certain members of the Netanyahu cabinet, and they strike me as very troubling.”
There are always radicals in any movement, and I think the way the rest of the movement deals with them is quite illustrative. If the rest of the movement does not keep the extremists in check, or at least call them out, then the whole movement becomes dubious.
I don’t know as much about some of the specific individuals and groups you’re talking about, but if there are any Israelis or Zionists or Netanyahu cabinet members who favor invading the neighboring countries (Egypt, Jordan, Syria, or Lebanon), I’m against that.
The so-called ‘occupied territories’ — the West Bank, the Golan Heights, and (until 2005) Gaza — seem to me to be somewhat different. These were a part of countries that attacked Israel in 1967 with the aim to destroy it. In the ensuing conflict, Israel seized these territories. Was it abhorrent for Israel to do this? Should the territories have been returned after the fighting ended? Israel claimed, reasonably it seems to me, that the countries that previously held those territories had repeatedly made clear (ultimately, with a large-scale, co-ordinated military attack) that they aimed at Israel’s destruction. It is hard for me to see why a small and vulnerable nation that has actually been attacked by its neighbors must, after somehow surviving those attacks, return all the territories to its attackers and wait for the attackers to try again and again to destroy it. What reasonable moral or political principle requires that?
So, if you’re talking here about decisions concerning those ‘occupied territories’, I think it’s unclear that these should be seen as independent nations in the way that Syria, Jordan, Egypt, and Lebanon are. (I’m not including Gaza here, since Israel has removed itself and its citizens from Gaza).
Still, that doesn’t entail that Israel may do what it pleases with the civilians living in those places or their descendants, since it seems plausible that many of them had no say in whether their former countries attacked Israel in 1967. If they are willing to live in peace with Israel, then I think Israel owes them humane treatment.
And if many of those people are not willing to live in peace with Israel? Then I think Israel should still take reasonable steps to promote peaceful coexistence with them — and yes, that means denouncing and reigning in the excesses of the more radicalized settlers there.
I’ll limit myself to a few points.
1) Israel of course had a right to respond to the Oct. 7 attack, and conforming that response to the law of armed conflict (a/k/a international humanitarian law) while still making it a militarily effective response was clearly going to be a challenge, given the tactics Hamas adopted (which Justin K. has mentioned). Unfortunately, the way the political and military leadership of Israel chose to respond to the Oct. 7 attack was grossly disproportionate, in the sense that the military advantage obtained by many strikes did not outweigh the harm to civilians, and the IDF campaign clearly violated the law of armed conflict repeatedly. Hamas also violated the law of armed conflict, but that did not give Israel legal license for its own violations. About 80 percent of buildings in the Gaza strip were damaged or destroyed, mostly by IDF ordinance (Hamas lacked the weaponry required to do that kind of damage to structures even had it wanted to), and the civilian infrastructure has been shredded. That, plus the scale of civilian casualties and suffering, shows that the IDF campaign violated the law of armed conflict. (And that is the minimum, i.e., the most cautious thing, that can be said about it. I won’t go into the other issues here.)
2) After the Israeli govt withdrew Israeli settlements from Gaza in 2005, it retained tight control, along with Egypt, over the movement of goods and people into and out of the territory. That evidently did not prevent Hamas from smuggling in weapons but what it did do was create various hardships for people living there, thus probably making many of them more inclined to continue to see Israel as the enemy than perhaps they otherwise would have been.
3) The West Bank has already been mentioned so I won’t go into it, except to say that the Israeli govt’s failure or refusal to effectively rein in violence and illegal land grabs by settlers there has come very close to putting any future two-state solution out of reach, which, it’s fair to say, is exactly what the Netanyahu government wants to do.
Hi, Louis. Thank you for your thoughtful and nuanced responses, and for moving the conversation forward by making them.
1. “…the way the political and military leadership of Israel chose to respond to the Oct. 7 attack was grossly disproportionate, in the sense that the military advantage obtained by many strikes did not outweigh the harm to civilians, and the IDF campaign clearly violated the law of armed conflict repeatedly.”
I can’t assess these claims until I see what supports them. Could you please spell it out and/or direct me to your sources for this?
2. “About 80 percent of buildings in the Gaza strip were damaged or destroyed, mostly by IDF ordinance (Hamas lacked the weaponry required to do that kind of damage to structures even had it wanted to), and the civilian infrastructure has been shredded. That, plus the scale of civilian casualties and suffering, shows that the IDF campaign violated the law of armed conflict.”
I’d be glad to hear this legal argument out. But there’s something here I don’t yet understand. Yes, there are excellent reasons for laws and norms of combat that prohibit the targeting of civilians, and that aim to keep civilians out of harm’s way. Those laws and other norms should certainly not be violated lightly, I agree. But what is to be done when confronted with an enemy that exploits your concern about those considerations to gain an advantage over you?
For instance, consider a situation in which a criminal has ten buttons that, when pressed, remotely kill a thousand people each. He has set them up in a private family home, with the family tied up in the closet. He has other civilian hostages, which he pulls along with him as he moves through the house from one button to the next, pressing each one in turn. To save the ten thousand people, you must stop him; but there is no way to shoot him without almost certainly killing one or more hostages. You could also blow up the house with a bomb, which would shut down the machines with the buttons, but that would kill the civilians whose home it is.
Are you compelled to passively allow him to press all ten of the buttons because of the prohibition against killing innocent civilians? I know that a few philosophers hold that you are, but this is not clear to me. Are you saying that it should be?
As I see it, we should take great care to protect civilians and to honor the combatant/noncombatant distinction. But if someone exploits our concern for that distinction in order to manipulate us into allowing him to perpetrate an even greater evil, we may be morally compelled to make the best of the terrible choice he has left us and attack him even in the knowledge that our doing so will kill the civilians that *he* deliberately placed in harm’s way, to prevent him from killing even more civilians, etc.
Naturally, we should also try to prevent ourselves from getting into that situation in the first place. But it may not always be possible.
3. “After the Israeli govt withdrew Israeli settlements from Gaza in 2005, it retained tight control, along with Egypt, over the movement of goods and people into and out of the territory. That evidently did not prevent Hamas from smuggling in weapons but what it did do was create various hardships for people living there, thus probably making many of them more inclined to continue to see Israel as the enemy than perhaps they otherwise would have been.”
Fair enough, but what was Israel (or Egypt) to do instead?
Hamas openly has the ongoing intention of destroying Israel, come what may, even at the sacrifice of any number of the Palestinian civilians. Israel and Egypt did not prevent Hamas from using the aid to create the ‘terror tunnel’ network and from creating weapons to use against Israel, but it did at least prevent far worse weapons from making their way into Gaza. I suspect you will agree that if Gaza had more powerful weapons, it would have used the worst of them against Israeli civilians.
And yes, the result of all this — the blockades of Israel and Egypt, and Hamas’s confiscation of Israeli and other international aid from the Palestinians, etc. — is that the Palestinian civilians are left much worse off, and Hamas naturally uses this immiseration as a way to cast further blame on Israel among the Palestinians (and internationally, through the mass media). And that is bad.
But what are you saying should have been done instead? Again, this seems to be a situation in which Hamas and its supporters are deliberately leaving Israel in a situation in which every choice is bad, and it must choose the least bad.
Justin,
Briefly on the first point. I recall reading early in the war a report that the IDF had tracked a single Hamas fighter into an apt building, which it then destroyed, killing civilians inside, including in that particular case an entire family, as I recall. That kind of disproportionality is not lawful, and while I don’t know how often that sort of thing happened, the overall civilian casualty figures almost certainly mean that it was more than just once or twice. Yes it was a v. difficult situation (and I’ve never been in that kind of situation myself), but I would say that the IDF was not well served by its leadership here, either in terms of the war’s objectives or its conduct.
On the second point. After 2005 I think Israel should have not imposed such a tight blockade, while at the same time fortifying its borders with Gaza so as to better protect border villages from attack.
In my view, a frustrating, indeed tragic, aspect of the whole I/P conflict is that the basic elements of a solution have been clear for a long time but the two sides, despite coming fairly close once or twice, have never managed to reach a lasting agreement. More real pressure by external ‘actors’, esp. though not only the U.S., on both sides would have been very helpful. The longer the situation has gone on without a final agreement, the stronger extremists and ‘rejectionists’ on both sides have become.
Theodor, the blog is in English. It cannot be any of the things you describe it as being. It is clear that YOU expect it to be a “neutral moral accountancy” but it cannot be any such thing. Note that at the bare minimum Justin would have to (somehow) be vested with the authority to speak for an entire diverse profession and its moral interests. No blog author has any of this.
Only a global professional organization, speaking many languages and democratically regulated, could even begin to do what you ask. I look forward to hearing about your efforts to establish such an organization!
It’s true that the host of a philosophy blog cannot be expected to be authoritative on any, let alone all, areas of philosophy, let alone any number of areas in foreign relations and current events. We should not expect all that.
But we don’t need any of those things for the blog to be effective at what it apparently aims to be, which is a forum for discussions of matters of concern to professional philosophers.
There is no apparent need for the blog to wade into questions of international relations or national politics. Or, if it is necessary or desirable, those matters can and should be approached in an even-handed manner, precisely because nobody — and certainly not the host — is authoritative enough about international relations to tell right from wrong on all these matters.
Fortunately, there’s no need for it.
Sir, both my universities were bombed. One of which where I am doing my MA in philosophy.
This also deserves to be seen.
It’s not that hard.
“defeating shiite lunatics” I’m curious about the framing here. There are over 200M Shiites in the world so I am wondering why it is mentioned here. Is Iran fighting Jewish lunatics?
Don’t think so. It’s like saying shiite extremists. But they are lunatics as well.
Meaning – the current shiite regime and its supporters.
that clears it up. Iran is fighting jewish lunatics – I mean the current Jewish regime and its supporters.
Theodor, a quick search for your name reveals that you are a co-founder and former president of Betar Brasil, a Jewish supremascist and fascist paramilitary organization. (The US chapter has been proscribed by even the rabidly pro-Israel ADL). I would bet that you are in fact supportive of this war of aggression against Iran. Anyhow, tthere is no such thing as a non-political discourse of public affairs. The world is not divided into political activists and rational impartial enlightened centrists.
Also this.
I don’t believe that a poster’s character is relevant.
Is whether they are arguing in good faith relevant?
It makes no difference to whether their argument is a good argument or not, or whether their claims are true.
You are right. It makes no difference whether the claim is true or not. It does however, make a difference whether people should engage in good faith with the argument . I personally don’t think that they should. But each to their own.
It casts doubt on the veracity of their claims. If someone goes around hawking statistics about the intelligence of different races, and you found out they were the head of the KKK, you ought to be very skeptical of those statistics.
And that is why a culture of free-speech is so vital to a healthy and functioning society. Else you could simply tag others with a “fascist” or “extremist” tag – either falsely or rightly – and shut someone’s opinions down.
You should check strangers’ claims anyway.
Sir,
I find it quite inelegant to display signs of witch-hunting and personal inquiry on a philosophical blog. Attack my opinions, not my person. I am well aware you know what ad hominem means. Had I not been part of Betar, I’d still hold the same opinion, as many others who are not from Betar do. It is reasonable, it is debatable, and it is a legitimate part of the democracy game. So make sure to attack it, not find reasons for me to support it.
Moreover, just so you know – you are deeply misinformed on Betar’s platform. It is very far from fascist. As a matter of fact, it’s one of its mottos is “Every individual is a King”, a phrase from which both equality and liberty can be derived. It was established in straight opposition to fascist ideals growing in popularity. Betar’s founder himself, Jabotinsky, a figure to this day studied in multiple academic circles, proclaimed: “Notwithstanding my personal attitudes towards fascism, I can say that under the condition of Jewish political reality, there is no place for Fascism.”
These false stamps do not contribute to the discussion nor to any potential resolution. If you wish to know more, here’s a reply I wrote to someone a few years ago, who raised intellectually dishonest arguments of such kin. https://is.gd/O6GIBy. You can use google translate to retrieve it from portuguese.
I highly encourage you to change your approach. Maybe in this way we could establish some productive dialogue in such a respectful blog, instead of calling “Shame on you!”, falsely stamping a person and its educational organization – who transformed the lives of hundreds of families for the better – of fascist, supremacist, etc. I truly wish we could chat some day.
The world of philosophy deserves better than this.
Farewell.
Oh yes, Vladimir Jabotinsky, a true contender for the Nobel Peace Prize whose argument, as per the document you provided, for why he and his movmement cannot be fascist is that, unlike Italian fascists, members are not coerced to join by the state and are free to join and leave as they wish. So, accordingly, since we don’t have an officially fascist state today that mobilises people with force, then this means there are no fascist groups or individuals around, Hooray!
Calling Betar an “educational group” is its own level of historical revisionism that I’m not even gonna bother respond to. The internet has enough information on the history of this group and recent news (hint: New York and ADL blacklist) about this inspiring educational group. Anyone is welcome to explore the lore.
I am pretty sure you will find many enlighetened philosophers here who agree with you on the importance of “dialogue” and “free-speech” and “not stomping out” opposing views, even if such views include expressing anti-Palestinian racist and Jewish supremacist views such as that “the ritiuals of childhood in Gaza are a celebration of death. the rituals of childhood of Israel are an expression of life”. Unfortunately, I’m not an enlighetend philosopher, and I don’t believe neither in “dialogue” with fascists, racists and supremacists of all kind nor in allowing them any kind of “free speach”. Maybe if the enlighetend liberals and “moderates” during the Weimar Republic had the same opinion, the world would have turned out different. Maybe.
Theodor,
I’d like to say that I find it admirably courageous of you to defend your views publicly, and under your own name. You’ll notice that I post anonymously, and this is largely for fear of retribution or professional consequences later in my career (sad as it is, these are real concerns). I am not as brave as you, in that way, I suppose.
I have no familiarity with Betar, but from what I can gather it seems to be a slightly diffuse movement spread over many chapters with interpretations of the core ideology that vary somewhat. What is more, as a few commenters have already pointed out, your membership in the group has no bearing on the defensibility of your own views. For these reasons, I would like to ask you, directly, about your personal, considered views on an extremely volatile topic:
The allegation is that Betar is a Jewish supremacist organization. Do you, personally, accept the ideology of Jewish supremacy (defined as the belief that the Jewish people are in any sense superior to other ethnic groups)? And, if not, will you take the opportunity to formally disavow it and explain your own views?
I am both blown away and somehow not surprised that we cannot agree that bombing a university is a terrible thing. What does that say?
That the APA can’t issue a letter.
That philosophers cannot stick to the point: Whether this particular strike on this particular part of this particular university was a military target, as I have seen alleged but am not qualified to judge.
https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/conscientious-objector-nonprofit-sees-1-143100364.html
https://jenniferleelawson.blogspot.com/2026/04/stop-genocide-in-iran.html
I think it would be best to post this type of news from all sides affected and not open the posts to comments. Frankly, it is just not worth it. The news speaks for itself. No need also for comments.
What’s wrong with having comments? I wouldn’t visit DN if comments were turned off.
I don’t find commenting useful in this case. The matter is too divisive, and I don’t see that we are getting anywhere. I am not against comments as such. But in this case, I see little point.